What Was The Civil Constitution Of The Clergy – The internal politics of the people of Paris and their anti-parliamentary communists (which most historians base on it) seems to be nothing more than a long dispute with the ideal federal republic and their native capital. For a government with strong controls. But the military situation, which the Committees of Public Safety are well aware of and whose task it is to monitor, may tell a different story.
When the failure began, Congress proposed a three-hundred-thousand-meter fee. The turnout was very small: not so bad numerically, not so much morally, for the soldiers recruited into the levy system and its substitutes could not fully fulfill the tasks of the Great War.
What Was The Civil Constitution Of The Clergy
The Conscription Act was passed on February 24. In many villages, the first application deadline is March 10. All the countries bordering the confluence of the Loire on the north and south, whose geographical and political features need not detain us here, but which are still separate, have begun to protest. The decision was not universally popular, as residents everywhere disliked conscription. But here he had no allies, for the revolution and all his works were not very popular. Errors in the civil constitution of the priests had a strong influence on the rebellion. The Secular and Civil Constitution adopted by the French National Assembly on July 12, 1790 reorganized the structure of the Roman Catholic Church in France. This act ended Catholicism’s status as the official religion of France and declared that the Church was no longer under the authority of the Pope. The purpose of this move was obviously to reduce the power and status of the Catholic Church, but the directive was directed at some Protestant ministers and affected the whole of French Protestantism.
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French Protestants had little authority before the French Revolution. After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, French Protestants were not recognized as citizens. In 1787, Louis XVI’s Edict of Toleration allowed Protestants to resume private worship, and in 1789, the “Law of Religious Liberty” granted Protestants public office. In the civil constitution of the clergy, bishops were elected by the vote of all taxpayers, including non-Catholics, civil servants, so that Protestants had the right to elect one of their own religion to the office of Catholic bishop.
The civil constitution of the clergy contained other decrees that strengthened their control over the French Catholic Church. To help pay off France’s national debt, the National Assembly decided to confiscate and sell property belonging to the Catholic Church. According to the civil constitution of the clergy, lands owned by the church were also confiscated if the church was not considered constitutional. One of these churches, the Saint Louis Louvre in Paris, was leased to Protestants by the Parish Council. In May 1791, Reverend Paul-Henri Marron celebrated the first legitimate Protestant service there.
The civil constitution of the clergy deepened the resentment that existed between Protestants and Catholics. Catholics saw the constitution as an attempt to avenge past religious persecution by Protestant congregations. In addition, Protestants in certain areas of France were required to swear an oath to support the constitution. Catholics saw this as the first step in the Protestant congregation paying into the public treasury for the salaries of Protestant ministers. Protestants also called for strict adherence to the constitution and support for the expulsion of priests who did not adhere to the constitution.
Louis XVI abolished torture and capital punishment in 1780. However, Louis himself was executed in 1793 for receiving Holy Communion from a priest who had not signed the priest’s oath to support the civil constitution. Louis’s execution marked the beginning of his reign of terror. During this period, Protestants and Catholics faced the death penalty if they were considered enemies of the revolution. Shortly after the death of Louis XVI, five Protestant members of the National Assembly, two of them Protestant ministers, were beheaded for their political beliefs.
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Laura Leddy Turner began her writing career in 1976. He has worked as an illustrator, writer, staff writer and copy editor for newspapers such as Gannett and Asbury Park Press. Turner received a B.A. Graduated from Ramapo College, New Jersey with a degree in Literature, English and Business Law. In July 1790, a law passed during the French Revolution (1789-1799) made the Catholic Church in France directly subject to the French government. . In order to modernize the Church and adapt it to revolutionary values, this law made many Catholics and clergy anti-revolutionary and deeply divided.
More than 50 years after the event, Alex de Tocqueville wrote that “one of the opening attacks of the French Revolution was against the Church.” “Among the passions which gave life to the revolution, the first to burn and the last to extinguish was the struggle against religion” (21). However, Tocqueville went on to say that even when he passed laws against the power of the Church, he did not intend to ignite the sparks of revolution against secularism. The main goal of the revolution was to dismantle the old regime and replace it with social equality. The revolutionaries initially embraced the Gaelic Church, not because of anti-Christian sentiments, but because the Church was essentially an obstacle to this goal.
It is not difficult to see how the Gaulish Church (another name for the French Catholic Church) was connected to Christianity.
. Before the Revolution, the Church had absolute religious supremacy within the borders of the Kingdom of France. After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, all French subjects had to convert to Catholicism by law, the Church had a near-monopoly on all education, relief services and hospitals, and enormous powers of inquisition. As the first royal order, the clergy technically surpassed the French nobility, with some powerful members reaching high political positions. Even the French monarchy, known as “the noblest of Christendom,” was closely bound up with the customs of the Church.
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However, when the revolution broke out in May 1789, many monks were not only supporters of the revolutionary cause, but also active participants. The most prominent figure was Abbé Emmanuel-Joseph Siès (1748-1836), who was one of the strongest supporters of the Third Estate (ordinary citizens) during the 1789 General Estate, and who led the construction of the National Assembly. Other priests, some of them less than priests, also sympathized with the Third Estate and voted to join them even before King Louis XVI (1774-1792) of France decided against them. When the Assembly moved to abolish feudalism on the evening of August 4, many clergy enthusiastically supported the abolition of tithes, seeing it as a necessary sacrifice to advance the Revolution.
This inevitably turns the church’s establishment on its head. It is worth noting that one of the most important figures in the conflict between the Church and the Revolution came from within the clergy.
Abbot Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord (1754-1838) of Wood was already famous for his hatred and cold-blooded ambitions. He entered the ecclesiastical profession because his constant patriarchy limited other means of social advancement, but as an admirer of Voltaire, he was skeptical of many church teachings. Appointed bishop of Autung by 1788, he was more pious than ever and no longer loyal to church institutions. On Talleyrand, historian Simon Schama writes, “When his friends called him ‘Bishop,’ he often smiled as if enjoying the innocent joke” (483).
On October 10, 1789, in a debate about the impending financial disaster, Talleyrand was the first to point out that the Church’s property had been dispersed throughout France. According to Talleyrand, the Church was in no sense a landowner. This land was given to them by the nation for a specific purpose, and now the nation had to give it back for their existence. After all, according to Talleyrand, “greater dangers call for equally decisive action” (Schama, 483).
French Revolution, Removal Of The Clergy, 1790 Stock Photo
Talleyrand’s colleagues panicked. He will soon be denounced from all the forums of France as Judas, Satan, and Antichrist. However, other representatives, such as the influential Gonriel Gabriel Ricuti, comte de Mirabeau (1747–1791), supported the measure and on 2 November the Assembly voted to confiscate the cathedral’s vast lands for the benefit of the state. Some radical clerics, such as Abbé Henri Grégoire, also supported him. However, Abby says Cece went too far and she blames the decision
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